One of the things that necessitated a military occupation of the South was its unwillingness or inability to protect the newly freed and their allies from attack. In the months after the war’s end, widespread violence was common, either engulfing a community spontaneously or being used as a calculated warning. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
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we say if possible<\/em><\/h3>\n\n\n\n
That the agents of the Bureau desire to do justice, we have no doubt, but under the skillful manipulation of the President, their power is about equal to that of a man of straw. And if nothing comes of this matter, we shall not be surprised. As to redress in the civil courts, we can only say that, outside of the cities, the freedmen have no hope anywhere. We have yet to learn that the authorities of Baldwin have moved in this matter; and if they have, every one knows that no jury could be gathered to convict the guilty parties, were an angel from heaven to bear testimony to their crime.<\/em><\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n
From an 1866 article about an attack on an African American family in their home. It argues that the Freedmen\u2019s Bureau has little power to help, and no local jury would convict the perpetrators anyway. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
“Outrage in Baldwin County,” Nationalist<\/em> (Mobile), Aug. 9, 1866.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
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under arms all day<\/em><\/h3>\n\n\n\n
On the 1st inst., some negroes fired on and wounded a white citizen in Memphis. The next morning the sheriff, with a posse, attempted to disarm all the negroes, when they fled to Fort Pickering, firing as they ran. They were driven from the Fort, and sought the woods. During the excitement seven negroes and one citizen were killed, and a few houses burned. The military were under arms all day. In the evening a fire was raging among the negro quarters, no effort being made to stop it. In all, 15 blacks and 4 whites were killed.<\/em><\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n
A short article reporting on a race riot in Memphis which saw 46 killed and 75 injured. It foregrounds the perceived violence and cowardice of African Americans rather than the actions of whites. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
“Negro Riot in Memphis,” Livingston Journal<\/em>, May 5, 1866.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
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Election Violence<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
12. Was any obstruction offered at the polls calculated to prevent a free and full vote …? <\/em><\/p>
Yes; a large number of men, drunk and disorderly, flourished pistols and threatened lives. One man was knocked down and beaten. Another was assaulted at the polls, and the ticket torn from his hand, and had to flee for safety. Two negroes were stabbed by United States soldiers sent as a guard to this county. Mr. Yordy closed the polls for two hours. Men were thus driven from the polls by fear of personal violence.<\/em> …<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n
From a county-by-county government report on the 1868 election in Alabama \u2014 the first held after people of color were guaranteed the right to vote. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
Though this entry on Greene County indicates most of the proper procedures were followed there, these were not enough to prevent the polls from being a dangerous place for African American voters and Unionists.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Election in Alabama: Letter from the Secretary of War, transmitting a communication from the general of the army, with a report by Major General Meade, commanding 3d military district\u2026<\/em>, 1868. [Alabama Collection, JK4595 .U54 1868x]<\/p>\n\n\n\n
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preconcerted plan<\/em><\/h3>\n\n\n\n
The responsibility of the trouble, we have no doubt, rests on the Republican speakers. We only blame the Democrats for being present, for had they stayed away no opportunity would have been given the Radicals for carrying out their, to us, preconcerted plan.<\/em><\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n
From an article on violence in Greene County around the 1870 election. Though it blames Republicans, it says Democrats shouldn\u2019t have been there to get mixed up in it. It doesn\u2019t mention the role of the Klan. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
“The Eutaw Affair,” South Alabamian<\/em> (Greenville), Nov. 5, 1870.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
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quite sanguinary<\/em><\/h3>\n\n\n\n
The difficulty grew out of the abuse of a negro who had voted the democratic ticket, by several radical negroes, chief among whom was one very bad negro named Milas Long. Several white gentlemen rushed up when they saw the abuse being heaped upon the democratic negro, and when he had received several blows they rushed in and ordered the mob to desist. Milas Long, we are told, offered to draw a pistol upon Mr. Charles. E. Goodwin, when he was told not to draw a weapon there, or he would be killed. With an oath against the whites, and daring them to come on, he whipped out his pistol and fired.<\/em><\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n
From an article on violence in Barbour County around the 1874 election. It claims it all stared with an attack by African American Radicals on a Black Democrat, who was then protected by whites. Even if this was essentially true, the whole incident was being framed as Black aggression for effect.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
“Eufaula: Election Day and Its Bloodshed,” Southern Argus<\/em> (Selma), Nov. 13, 1874.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
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Organized White Supremacy<\/h2>\n\n\n\n
The earliest white supremacist vigilante organization, the Ku Klux Klan, was a powerful insurgent force, a loose confederation of autonomous local groups who operated in secret. After it was defeated around 1871, the groups that took up its mantle were more organized, more paramilitary in nature, and operating in the open.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
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dismal and ghastly<\/em><\/h3>\n\n\n\n
The evident moving of the spirits, aided by the living members of the mysterious Ku-Klux-Klan, has excited a consternation in this city, which has not been equalled since the dark, dismal and ghastly times of Shakspeare. The “Klan” is a secret but most powerful organization of living and dead men, who prowl about in the dark hours of the night, seeking whom they may devour. They know the political sentiments of every living man, being represented by a spirit at every fireside. They hold their meetings at midnight in dark caverns, and thousands of names are on their muster rolls. Sooner or later they may plant their cannons and blow this city into atoms.<\/em><\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n
From an 1868 satirical report mocking people’s fear of the Klan. It depicts members as supernatural creatures \u2014 like the devil in a familiar biblical passage, “a roaring lion, seeking whom he may devour” (1 Peter 5:8<\/a>).<\/p>\n\n\n\n
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